A banner day for neo-Nazis
Last month, Hatewatch shut down, declaring that the battle against hate groups has been won. It hasn't.
By Jay Dixit
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May
09,
2001
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Six years ago, I declared in an
article
for a Yale University magazine called the New Journal that "the Internet may be the best thing that has ever
happened to help the struggle to spread the word of white power."
I concluded the article by referring readers to a then recently created Web site called
Hatewatch,
a watchdog site that indexed and linked to hate groups on the Internet in order to expose them, while also
linking to sites devoted to debunking hate propaganda. Citing a statement by essayist Logan Pearsall Smith --
"How it infuriates a bigot when he is forced to drag out his dark convictions" -- Hatewatch operated on the
principle that the best way to combat hate was to expose it for what it was, to fight hate speech with more
speech.
So I was shocked last month to read that Hatewatch was shutting its doors. First started in 1995 by a
Harvard Law School librarian named David Goldman, Hatewatch was the first major site to track online hate groups
-- the neo-Nazis, white supremacists, Holocaust deniers, Klansmen, black nationalists and gay bashers who saw the
Internet as their chance to spread their messages to the world. It attracted incredible media coverage, helped to
focus public attention, provided a reference for law enforcement and attracted 1 million visitors a year.
But Goldman thinks that Hatewatch has done its job. "We have succeeded in fulfilling the mission we set for
ourselves," he wrote in a farewell message posted on the site. After six years of heading the volunteer-run
organization, Goldman was ready to move on. Bolstered by
news
that hate sites simply weren't proving to be such powerful recruitment tools as many had feared and by
indications from other anti-hate organizations that the prognosis wasn't as dire as once believed, Hatewatch's
founder argued that while hate groups once flourished in the shadows, they simply couldn't thrive under the
bright lights of the Internet: From the beginning, these organizations' self-proclaimed desire to create a
digital "white revolution" was carefully monitored and documented by civil rights organizations, Hatewatch among
them. The standard and often repeated quote was that the "Internet is the greatest thing to happen to hate." Much
to our joy it has in fact been one of the worst.
Goldman says the slumping Internet economy was not a factor in the decision to shut down Hatewatch.
Although Hatewatch was a registered nonprofit agency, it got scant funding. At the same time, it required very
little money to run. Hatewatch benefited from the efforts of hundreds of unpaid volunteers every month, and
Goldman and the four other employees never drew a salary. It was simply time to pass the torch.
"I felt as if I needed to step back from the material itself -- and, hopefully, for people to see the
vacuum that was left by Hatewatch to step into that. I'm not a professional civil rights activist. I'm a
librarian by trade."
Goldman's decision to shut down Hatewatch was roundly criticized by other anti-hate organizations, like the
Anti-Defamation League
and the
Simon Wiesenthal Center.
If hate sites had turned out to be less threatening than expected, wasn't that due, in large part, to the efforts
of sites like Hatewatch? A closer look at how hate groups use the Internet suggests that, if anything, Hatewatch
was due for an expansion.
Hatewatch has always been controversial. Film critic Roger Ebert famously
attacked
it, and debated Goldman at the Conference on World Affairs. By linking to hate sites, Ebert argued, Hatewatch
gave free publicity to haters, providing a "virtual supermarket" of hate tools for bigots of all stripes. While
other sites, like the ADL's, flagged the lies and distortions on hate sites, Hatewatch merely provided links to
sites -- where the groups could describe themselves however they wanted.
Still, Hatewatch was an effective tracking tool. If the Internet was going to turn small, isolated groups
into a large, organized movement, Hatewatch was going to ensure that such an expansion took place in the open.
And it succeeded in that goal, drawing thousands of visitors a day and extensive media coverage.
But Hatewatch's success was limited by its own design. In fact, Hatewatch was based on a number of largely
unfounded fears about the way that hate on the Web would proliferate.
Until recently, common wisdom held that the Internet would
cause the number of hate groups to grow out of control. A recent advertisement
sponsored by the Simon Wiesenthal Center reads, "On the day of the Oklahoma
bombing, there was one hate site. Now there are over 2,000."
But many critics have questioned these numbers. For starters, they make no
distinctions about the nature and severity of individual sites -- from hardcore
white supremacy sites to sites that include racist jokes or a recipe for a pipe
bomb. Second, it has always been hard to differentiate between the Web sites of
major hate groups and organizations consisting of a lone member. How many people
does each of these hate sites represent? Third, the increase in hate sites --
like the increase in the overall number of Web sites -- partly reflects the fact
that more and more people and organizations are getting online. Adding to the
confusion is the fact that many groups have more than one domain name and
operate multiple sites. A more conservative estimate by the
Southern Poverty Law Center puts the number of actual hate sites closer to
400.
Another fear was that the Web would become a major recruitment tool for
hate groups. But there is no statistical evidence showing that the Web has led
to an increase in membership. The Southern Poverty Law Center estimates that the
membership of hate groups has remained about the same over the past few years.
What's more, many people have long worried that the Web would not only
provide a forum for hate but could actually provoke people to violence. In 1998,
Salon suggested that
hate sites on the Internet might be "the main culprit behind the epidemic of
hate crimes," citing the murder of Matthew Shepard. A "Dateline NBC" special
report called "Web of Hate" reported that Benjamin Smith -- the 21-year-old
college dropout who went on a
shooting spree in Indiana and Illinois in 1999, firing at African-Americans,
Asian-Americans and Jews, killing two people and wounding nine -- had been
inspired by the rhetoric he found on the Web site of Matt Hale's group, known as
the World Church of the Creator. But aside from a few anecdotal reports, there
is currently no statistical evidence to suggest that Web sites directly provoke
people to violence. Evidence may yet surface linking Web sites to violence, but
so far, that connection is not as clear as people feared it would be. Hatewatch
may indeed have overestimated the number or significance of the hate groups it
dragged into the spotlight. But if anything, the group underestimated the task
at hand. When Goldman announced the demise of Hatewatch he was, in effect,
conceding that Hatewatch had outlived its usefulness. Instead of closing shop,
he should have expanded it. Hatewatch's job was far from done.
For one thing, the Internet still provides a virtual community for haters
in rural locations. It gives a scattered group of people a means to communicate
with one another in secret, trade goods, sell things, publicize their events and
potentially inspire others to action -- without the threat of interference from
anti-haters. Many haters have trouble finding a place to meet in the
brick-and-mortar world where they won't encounter opposition from anti-hate
activists. Hale, for instance, can hardly hold a meeting without getting
attacked by protesters. And Klansmen are regularly outnumbered at Klan rallies
by anti-hate protesters. For these people, the Internet is a safe haven.
Web sites may not offer a reliable count of how prolific hate sites are
(or how numerous their members), but they act as introductory brochures to the
ideology of a particular group. Most sites don't change much over time, and they
aren't places people return to again and again. Instead, people might make
contact via a Web site, and then quickly move on to text-based, person-to-person
venues such as discussion groups, chat rooms and e-mail. "That is really where
you see discussions of ideology, discussion of tactics, things that give you
insight into what's going on in the movements," says Mark Potok, editor of the
Southern Poverty Law Center's Intelligence Report.
The anti-hate community overestimated the impact of the Web and
underestimated the importance of chat rooms, newsgroups and e-mail. For
Hatewatch to focus on Web sites alone -- as opposed to other forms of Internet
communication -- was anachronistic. "Everyone was going crazy over these sites,"
says Ken Stern of the American Jewish Committee. "I think there's a parallel
with how the stock market was going crazy over Internet-related things."
Hatewatch should also have expanded to track haters' fundraising. The
Internet has proved to be an unexpected financial boon to many white
supremacists, particularly those involved in the genre of music known as hate
rock, helping them do more business and raise more money for their cause.
William Pierce, one of the world's most notorious racists, paid $250,000 to
acquire Resistance Records and its Web site. This year he expects to do more
than $1 million in business, much of it through Web orders. "There's a whole
world of e-commerce out there centered around hate," says the ADL's Jordan
Kessler. Sometimes, haters sell items that are not clearly connected to their
beliefs, so they can make money without their customers knowing who they're
doing business with. By keeping track of how hate groups are raising money,
Hatewatch could have helped people who might inadvertently be supporting them.
Hatewatch should also have expanded beyond its exclusive focus on hate
groups per se. The latest trend in hate organizations is "leaderless
resistance," in which haters are encouraged not to join groups but rather to
become "lone wolves" and act alone. The rationale is that by joining a hate
group, a hater becomes known to civil rights organizations. By promoting solo
activism, hate groups also protect themselves from legal liability they faced in
the past, as when Tom Metzger, leader of the White Aryan Resistance, was found
guilty of inciting murder and jailed after three members of his group beat an
Ethiopian student to death in Portland, Ore. By tracking these exchanges, and
free-agent haters, Hatewatch could have provided useful insights into how
organizations like the World Church of the Creator operate.
Where hate flourished less than expected, Hatewatch worked, and where hate
flourished more than expected, Hatewatch could have done more. As professor
Donald Green of Yale University's Institution for Social and Policy Studies puts
it, "If a stop sign augments traffic safety, why tear it down?"
salon.com
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About the writer
Jay Dixit is a freelance writer living in New York.
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